Aila Santi
Can archaeology, material culture, and iconography shed light on the role and concept of Imam/Imamate in the first two centuries of Islam?
If we look at the epigraphic record, the most securely datable occurrence of the word “Imam” that has come down to us is found in the mosaics of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem.
Figure 1 Mosaic detail of the Dome of the Rock in Jerusalem with the name of al-Ma’mun and the title “Imam” (from Grabar 2006)
Both the monument and its original inscriptions date to the time of the Umayyad caliph ‘Abd al-Malik—specifically, to 691–2 CE. However, the term “Imam,” written in golden tesserae against a cobalt background and used as a title for the Abbasid caliph al-Ma’mun (r. 813–833 CE), appears in the section of the epigraphy that was altered by the latter in 831 CE. This occurrence, therefore, dates to the early 9th century CE—a period when the word also features prominently as a caliphal title, alongside amir al-mu’minin, on coins issued by al-Ma’mun himself. This development may suggest a deliberate emphasis at this particular moment on qualities of the caliphal office that the term “Imam” more precisely conveyed. But can material culture from earlier periods help us better understand what these qualities entailed?
Before al-Ma’mun’s time, as far as the published evidence is concerned, the word imam seems to be attested only on a tombstone from al-Mihna, a locality 7 km from Karak in Jordan. Although the object does not bear a date, the individual for whom it was made is confidently recognisable as ‘Uthman b. Khalid b. ‘Abd al-Malik b. al-Harith, the son of one of Hisham’s (r. 724–743 CE) governors of Medina. This allows us to place the date of ‘Uthman’s death—and hence the making of the tombstone—roughly in the second half of the 8th century.
Figure 2 Tombstone from Mihna, al-Karak Governatorate, Jordan, ca. 2nd half of 8th century (from Webet-Karyotakis & Khammash 2020)
In this inscription, the word Imam appears as an appellative of the Prophet, who is referred to as “Imam al-Rahma” (Imam of Mercy).
The fact that the first occurrence of the title in the epigraphic record refers to the Prophetic persona is particularly interesting, as it might suggest that, in the 8th century, the term was associated with concepts of Arab legal and political leadership with a strong component of piety and religious charisma.
These very concepts may be reflected in one of the two surviving typologies of caliphal representations from the Umayyad period: the one appearing on coins of the so-called standing caliph type issued by ‘Abd al-Malik between 693–696 CE.
Figure 3 ‘Standing Caliph’ dinar Probably minted at Damascus, 697 CE (Ashmolean Museum HCR6573)
Here, we see a bearded man standing, wearing an Arab headdress flowing down beside his head, a long draped robe, and a sword. This image, in its pose, austerity, and attire, contrasts with other images of rulers from the same period—those from private princely contexts, where the caliph is typically portrayed wearing a Sasanian winged crown, a long blouse or kaftan over trousers, sometimes beardless, with bent legs (a sign that he is sitting on an eastern low throne, takht)—all elements recalling the iconography of Indo-Persian rulership.
Figure 4 ‘Sasanian caliph’ from Qasr al-Hayr al-Gharbi, Damascus, National Museum (from Meinecke 2020)
Significantly, the so-called standing caliph image is associated on coins with the legend Khalifat Allah (God’s Caliph) and, in some cases, Muhammad Rasul Allah (Muhammad, the Messenger of God), suggesting that this iconography functioned as an archetypal representation of the Prophet and, by extension, of an Arab leader with a strong emphasis on religious authority. But can we consider this a representation of an Imam?
It is noteworthy that an analogous iconography appears on a type of fals almost contemporaneous with the standing caliph coins, issued by the governor of Kufa, Bashir b. Marwan from 692–694 CE and known as the “Orans type”. The figure—a standing bearded man wearing the same long robe and Arab headdress as the “standing caliph”—is portrayed with both hands raised and flanked by two characters, and has been interpreted as a representation of the leader of the ritual prayer (imam al-salat). Some numismatic evidence discussed by Luke Treadwell suggests that this image was intended to represent the Marwanid governor himself as a khatib—that is, delivering the Friday khutba: a function reserved for the ruler or his representative, and one that, at this time, essentially coincided with that of imam al-salat.
Figure 5 Orans Drachms minted in ‘Aqula and Basra, AH 75 (from Treadwell 2001)
In sum, the specific iconography shared by these issues during the Marwanid period was intended (interchangeably) as a representation of:
- The Prophet Muhammad
- The caliph in his most Arab connotations
- The caliph/governor as imam al-salat
- The caliph/governor as khatib
Can this iconography, therefore, be taken as a visual representation of the concept of an Imam—understood as an Arab masculine leader with a strong component of religious authority—as opposed to other iconographies that portray the caliph as a Late Antique prince, adorned with regalia borrowed from non-Arab royal cultures?
The fact that images of the second type appear in private princely contexts suggests that they were exclusively intended for courtly circles, whereas the occurrence of what I argue being the “Imamic” iconography of the ruler on coins shows that this was the identity the caliph wanted to project publicly.
Reasoning on such dual imagery, it is interesting that a specific architectural development, which seems to have been aimed at facilitating, mediating, and staging the transition from one to the other, took place throughout the Islamicate world at the turn of the 8th century.
This development consists in the emergence of a particular architectural group comprising a gubernatorial palace (dar al-imara) built alongside the qibli wall of a Friday mosque, with a door in the qibli wall allowing direct transit from the palace into the maqsura, the royal enclosure from which the caliph could attend and lead the Friday service as imam.
Figure 6 ‘Anjar, Lebanon, early 8th century CE: view of the bab al-imam from inside the maqsura (ph. Santi 2020)
Archaeology has revealed the existence of such complexes in Kufa, Wasit, Jerusalem, al-Sinnabra, ‘Anjar and at 16 stations of the Darb Zubayda, including al-Rabadha.
Figure 7 Mosque-Dar al-Imara complex in Kufa, 7th-8th century CE
Figure 8 Mosque-Dar al-Imara complex in Wasit, 7th-8th century CE
Figure 9 Mosque-Dar al-Imara complex in Jerusalem, 8th century CE
Figure 10 Mosque-Dar al-Imara complex in al-Sinnabra, late 7th century CE (after Da’adli 2020)
Figure 11 Mosque-Dar al-Imara complex in al-Rabadha, late 8th century CE
In addition to the archaeologically attested examples, written sources abundantly document the existence of analogous complexes in Damascus, Basra, Marw, Medina, and, during the Abbasid period, in Baghdad, as well as, on a reduced scale, in Samarra and Tulunid Cairo.
Figure 12 Mosque-Dar al-Imara complex in Samarra, 9th century CE
Archaeological evidence—supported by textual sources—exists for many of the abovementioned examples, indicating that the section of the dar al-imara adjoining the qibli wall was used for the performance of ablution by the caliph or wali, which was followed by a change of clothing before crossing the door in the qibli wall to enter the maqsura and lead the Friday service.
It is important to point out that the Friday Prayer was essentially the only occasion on which the ruler was seen publicly by the masses, and we know from written records that the imam/khatib function in the Friday Mosque was associated with a specific choice of attire that recalls the images on coins which we have discussed.
In conclusion, I propose that the area of the palace adjoining the mosque served as a liminal space to prepare the ruler for his public appearance within the mosque space and the performance of his role as prayer leader and khatib. There, he quite literally “removed the garments” of mundane authority in order to assume the attire of masculine, charismatic political-religious Arab leadership. Essentially, transforming from prince into Imam.